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Knowledge about scientific facts. Individual-Level Roots of Misinformation. Beyond issues of ability, there are also psychological factors that contribute to people becoming misinformed, and these factors can make it difficult for people to identify for themselves what is fact versus fiction. Specifically, individuals are more likely to accept information that appears to follow a logical narrative, that comes from a source they perceive to be "credible," that is consistent with their preexisting values and beliefs, and that seems to be something other people believe (42). The psychological unease or inconvenience of encountering worldview-challenging information can produce a desire to minimize feelings of "cognitive dissonance," which can lead to biased perception and information processing that complicates the recognition and rejection of falsehoods (43). Among other strategies, people may grapple with the complexity of the external world by engaging in selective exposure and motivated reasoning. Selective exposure refers to the act of choosing to read or view belief-consistent information over belief-inconsistent information (when given the choice), and there is evidence that such selectivity occurs among strong partisans who are especially knowledgeable about politics and who gravitate more toward news sources that mirror their preexisting views (44). Importantly, selective exposure is not limited to politics and has also been shown to occur, for example, as individuals seek information about scientific topics (45). When individuals expose themselves primarily to media sources that (knowingly or unknowingly) convey falsehoods, there is some evidence that selective exposure plays a role in keeping people misinformed, as shown among Fox News viewers during the Iraq war (46). Such nefarious actors can be human-as in the case of the individuals and groups who intentionally fanned political fires during the US 2016 presidential election-but they can also be machines, as evidenced by the armies of Russian propaganda bots that we now know have infiltrated Twitter and Facebook (69). Perhaps it could be argued that, if belief in falsehoods will result whether humans or bots the ones spreading information, then the distinction does not matter. However, the distinction will matter in terms of proposing solutions, and, unfortunately, a recent assessment of the prevalence and spread of misinformation online reports that humans are mostly to blame for spreading falsehoods, rather than robots (24). These changing economic realities are part of what some have described as "social mega-trends" (41), which arguably contribute to the spread of misinformation in the United States: (i) a decline in social capital, (ii) growing economic inequalities, (iii) increasing political polarization, (iv) declining trust in science, (v) politically asymmetric credulity (i.e., conservatives are liberals are differently susceptible to misinformation), (vi) evolution of the media landscape (e.g., filter bubbles, incivility, and heightened outrage), and (vii) a fractioning of the media that rewards political extremism. Part of the problem is related to a well-documented decline in science journalism and "the trend among many media organizations to no longer use (full-time) science journalists" (11). As a result, coverage of scientific issues has often become the responsibility of political reporters, business writers, and journalists in other nonscientific beats (86). Paired with an increasingly polarized political environment, this has also promoted what some have called "false balance" (87). The term refers to reporting-often by nonscience journalists-that puts established scientific consensus around issues like genetically modified foods or climate change on equal footing with nonfactual claims by think tanks or interest groups for the sake of "showing both sides." A last area with a dearth of systematic empirical work are mechanisms to reach audiences that are often underserved by traditional channels for science communication. Newspapers, science television, or even science museums, for instance, tend to reach more educated and higher-income audiences (11). Furthermore, from work dating back to the 1970s on widening knowledge gaps, we also know that citizens with higher socioeconomic status (levels of education and income) are able to learn more efficiently from new information than their peers. As a result, quality scientific information is not only more likely to reach more educated and higher-income audiences, but, when it does, the ability of citizens with higher socioeconomic status to process new information more efficiently can further widen existing gaps between the already information-rich and the information-poor. designer bags cyber monday


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